Nurzhan Altaev and Karim Kasimov hope for revenge

Despite the amnesty, unprecedented in its scale, which included the majority of participants in the tragic “January events”, and only the direct organizers of the coup d’etat and those who committed serious criminal offenses were held accountable, theses about the total innocence of all those who took a direct part in these events: starting from the former head of the KNB Karim Masimov and the former head of the police department of the Almaty region Serik Kudebayev, ending with employees of the KNB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Kazakhstan involved in the use of excessive force against detainees, which led to their death, and criminal authority Arman Dzhumageldiev (Wild Arman), who, as is known, headed a criminal group operating in Almaty and not only took a direct part in organizing mass riots, but also carried out kidnappings and beatings of people.

At the same time, this information campaign and the theses disseminated within it are aimed at both the internal Kazakh audience and the audience outside the country, which will likely be used to create public pressure on the Kazakh authorities from the outside. It is no coincidence that fugitive Mukhtar Ablyazov, who is hiding from Kazakh justice, and information resources that also belong to Irina Petrushova, who is also hiding from Kazakh justice in London, and other opposition activists who have received political asylum, such as those living in Ukraine, the authors of the YouTube channel “BASE” are Aidos and Natalya Sadykov. In addition, political activists within Kazakhstan also take part in discrediting the Kazakh authorities, for example, activists of the never-formed and constantly changing composition of the “Oyan, Kazakhstan” movement, which, by the way, is believed to have been initially created and financed by individual representatives of the political and the business elite of Kazakhstan, in particular, by the same Masimov, which means that they are probably still controlled in one way or another by the country’s main intelligence service, which raises questions about the current composition of the KNB, which obviously has not dissociated itself from the former leader.

At the same time, despite the relatively small number of participants in this information campaign, their impact on public opinion remains significant, which is due to various factors, including the thematic scope of information dissemination and new media platforms used to disseminate statements, and also due to the weakness of the official state Kazakh propaganda, incapable of resisting the refutation of these theses both in Kazakhstan itself and beyond its borders and built on the use in its work of low-rated television channels, newspapers and websites that annually absorb large budget funding.

Another new round of information campaign aimed at discrediting the so-called “new Kazakhstan” caused a trial in the case of the seizure of Almaty airport during the tragic “January events” and a verdict against the defendants - Aigerima Tleuzhanova, Kalas Nurpeisov, Nurlan Dalibaev, Ermukhamet Shilibaev and Zhanaidar Karmenov, who initiated the armed seizure of a strategic facility.

Tleuzhanova and Nurpeisov were convicted of organizing mass riots, Dalibayev, Shilibaev and Karmenov were convicted of participating in mass riots, accompanied by violence, pogroms, arson, destruction and destruction of property during the attack and seizure of the airport.

The defendants, in particular Tleuzhanova, claimed that they were allegedly heading to the airport to find out whether it was accepting aircraft with military personnel as part of a mission of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), and when they were convinced that aircraft with military personnel from Russia and others there are no countries of the post-Soviet space at the airport - they left it, but in reality, as established by the investigation, Tleuzhanova and other persons who seized the airport, several hours before these illegal actions, had already been placed in a temporary detention center in Almaty for organizing riots, and before heading to the airport to capture him, were released from the temporary detention facility, which was preceded by a direct order to release these individuals, which came from Astana from influential representatives of the National Security Committee.

At the same time, at the time of the seizure of the airport in the city of Almaty, there was no access to communications, and information about the possible arrival of forces (CSTO) could only be received by convicts from representatives of the National Security Committee upon release from the temporary detention facility. Moreover, at that time it was not known about negotiations between the President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and the Russian leader Vladimir Putin, and a final decision on any actions of the mission (CSTO) on the territory of Kazakhstan had not yet been made, which clearly indicates operational actions on the part of the former head of the National Security Committee, Karim Masimov, since only he was aware of the negotiations and took a direct part in them, being in touch with the Deputy Chairman of the Russian Security Council, Dmitry Medvedev.

In other words, Masimov acted “ahead of the curve,” and Tleuzhanova and other persons acted with information received from Masimov, and moreover, they knew in advance that, at the direction of influential representatives of the KNB, official security had already left Almaty airport by that time. By the way, Tleuzhanova and other persons left the territory of the strategic facility immediately after the actual looting of the air harbor began by other persons who arrived at the airport, that is, after they were convinced that the result of their actions was a complete blocking of the airport’s operations.

It is noteworthy that close attention to the trial in the case of the seizure of Almaty airport in the days of the tragic “January events” was attracted by activists of the same unformed and constantly changing composition of the “Oyan, Kazakhstan” movement, in particular, Alnur Ilyashev organized a press conference at the Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law (KIBHR), headed by Evgeniy Zhovtis, for the mother of the convicted Aigerim Tleuzhanova.

At the same time, Ilyashev himself, like several other key figures of the “Oyan, Kazakhstan” movement, by a strange coincidence, was abroad during the tragic “January events”, and left Kazakhstan, like other participants in the movement, within two or three days before the unfolding events, and already from abroad via the Internet he called for illegal actions, such as the seizure of government institutions, and in the end did not suffer any punishment for this, like other participants in the movement, which once again indicates that that the “Oyan, Kazakhstan” movement is not only a project of the former head of the National Security Committee, Karim Masimov, but a project that is still closely associated with the key intelligence service of Kazakhstan and is dependent on the National Security Committee.

By the way, Tleuzhanova is a figure, albeit an insignificant one, but interesting for her connections. Although she is positioned as a journalist, she is unknown in the professional community and announced herself only in 2020 by organizing pickets in support of the opposition activist and leader of the Democratic Party of Kazakhstan (DPK) Zhanbolat Mamaia , at that time it was financed by Bergey Ryskaliev.

However, the information campaign aimed at discrediting the so-called “new Kazakhstan”, as well as Kazakh courts and law enforcement agencies, carried out by members of the “Oyan, Kazakhstan” movement and activists from abroad hiding from Kazakh justice, is not aimed at protecting specific individuals, including Aigerim Tleuzhanova, but is rather intended to present their case as “unmotivated political persecution.” Moreover, in parallel, a larger and more expensive information campaign is actively developing, its cost, according to various estimates, can reach up to 5 million dollars, aimed at giving the status of “political prisoners” to the direct organizers of the coup, such as the former head of the National Security Committee Karim Masimov, a criminal authority Arman Dzhumageldiev (Wild Arman) and even former Mazhilis deputy and former member of the Nur Otan party Nurzhan Altaev, whom a number of resources are increasingly mentioning as an opposition political activist.